Ebook The Post-American World

Ebook The Post-American World

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The Post-American World

Ebook The Post-American World

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Amazon.com Review

Book Description "This is not a book about the decline of America, but rather about the rise of everyone else." So begins Fareed Zakaria's important new work on the era we are now entering. Following on the success of his best-selling The Future of Freedom, Zakaria describes with equal prescience a world in which the United States will no longer dominate the global economy, orchestrate geopolitics, or overwhelm cultures. He sees the "rise of the rest"—the growth of countries like China, India, Brazil, Russia, and many others—as the great story of our time, and one that will reshape the world. The tallest buildings, biggest dams, largest-selling movies, and most advanced cell phones are all being built outside the United States. This economic growth is producing political confidence, national pride, and potentially international problems. How should the United States understand and thrive in this rapidly changing international climate? What does it mean to live in a truly global era? Zakaria answers these questions with his customary lucidity, insight, and imagination. Thomas Friedman and Fareed Zakaria: Author One-to-One Fareed Zakaria: Your book is about two things, the climate crisis and also about an American crisis. Why do you link the two?  Thomas Friedman: You're absolutely right--it is about two things. The book says, America has a problem and the world has a problem. The world's problem is that it's getting hot, flat and crowded and that convergence--that perfect storm--is driving a lot of negative trends. America's problem is that we've lost our way--we've lost our groove as a country. And the basic argument of the book is that we can solve our problem by taking the lead in solving the world's problem.Zakaria: Explain what you mean by "hot, flat and crowded."Friedman: There is a convergence of basically three large forces: one is global warming, which has been going on at a very slow pace since the industrial revolution; the second--what I call the flattening of the world--is a metaphor for the rise of middle-class citizens, from China to India to Brazil to Russia to Eastern Europe, who are beginning to consume like Americans. That's a blessing in so many ways--it's a blessing for global stability and for global growth. But it has enormous resource complications, if all these people--whom you've written about in your book, The Post American World--begin to consume like Americans. And lastly, global population growth simply refers to the steady growth of population in general, but at the same time the growth of more and more people able to live this middle-class lifestyle. Between now and 2020, the world's going to add another billion people. And their resource demands--at every level--are going to be enormous. I tell the story in the book how, if we give each one of the next billion people on the planet just one sixty-watt incandescent light bulb, what it will mean: the answer is that it will require about 20 new 500-megawatt coal-burning power plants. That's so they can each turn on just one light bulb!Zakaria: In my book I talk about the "rise of the rest" and about the reality of how this rise of new powerful economic nations is completely changing the way the world works. Most everyone's efforts have been devoted to Kyoto-like solutions, with the idea of getting western countries to reduce their carbon dioxide emissions. But I grew to realize that the West was a sideshow. India and China will build hundreds of coal-fire power plants in the next ten years and the combined carbon dioxide emissions of those new plants alone are five times larger than the savings mandated by the Kyoto accords. What do you do with the Indias and Chinas of the world?Friedman: I think there are two approaches. There has to be more understanding of the basic unfairness they feel. They feel like we sat down, had the hors d'oeuvres, ate the entrée, pretty much finished off the dessert, invited them for tea and coffee and then said, "Let's split the bill." So I understand the big sense of unfairness--they feel that now that they have a chance to grow and reach with large numbers a whole new standard of living, we're basically telling them, "Your growth, and all the emissions it would add, is threatening the world's climate." At the same time, what I say to them--what I said to young Chinese most recently when I was just in China is this: Every time I come to China, young Chinese say to me, "Mr. Friedman, your country grew dirty for 150 years. Now it's our turn." And I say to them, "Yes, you're absolutely right, it's your turn. Grow as dirty as you want. Take your time. Because I think we probably just need about five years to invent all the new clean power technologies you're going to need as you choke to death, and we're going to come and sell them to you. And we're going to clean your clock in the next great global industry. So please, take your time. If you want to give us a five-year lead in the next great global industry, I will take five. If you want to give us ten, that would be even better. In other words, I know this is unfair, but I am here to tell you that in a world that's hot, flat and crowded, ET--energy technology--is going to be as big an industry as IT--information technology. Maybe even bigger. And who claims that industry--whose country and whose companies dominate that industry--I think is going to enjoy more national security, more economic security, more economic growth, a healthier population, and greater global respect, for that matter, as well. So you can sit back and say, it's not fair that we have to compete in this new industry, that we should get to grow dirty for a while, or you can do what you did in telecommunications, and that is try to leap-frog us. And that's really what I'm saying to them: this is a great economic opportunity. The game is still open. I want my country to win it--I'm not sure it will.Zakaria: I'm struck by the point you make about energy technology. In my book I'm pretty optimistic about the United States. But the one area where I'm worried is actually ET. We do fantastically in biotech, we're doing fantastically in nanotechnology. But none of these new technologies have the kind of system-wide effect that information technology did. Energy does. If you want to find the next technological revolution you need to find an industry that transforms everything you do. Biotechnology affects one critical aspect of your day-to-day life, health, but not all of it. But energy--the consumption of energy--affects every human activity in the modern world. Now, my fear is that, of all the industries in the future, that's the one where we're not ahead of the pack. Are we going to run second in this race?Friedman: Well, I want to ask you that, Fareed. Why do you think we haven't led this industry, which itself has huge technological implications? We have all the secret sauce, all the technological prowess, to lead this industry. Why do you think this is the one area--and it's enormous, it's actually going to dwarf all the others--where we haven't been at the real cutting edge? Continue reading the Q&A between Thomas Friedman and Fareed Zakaria

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From Publishers Weekly

Starred Review. When a book proclaims that it is not about the decline of America but the rise of everyone else, readers might expect another diatribe about our dismal post-9/11 world. They are in for a pleasant surprise as Newsweek editor and popular pundit Zakaria (The Future of Freedom) delivers a stimulating, largely optimistic forecast of where the 21st century is heading. We are living in a peaceful era, he maintains; world violence peaked around 1990 and has plummeted to a record low. Burgeoning prosperity has spread to the developing world, raising standards of living in Brazil, India, China and Indonesia. Twenty years ago China discarded Soviet economics but not its politics, leading to a wildly effective, top-down, scorched-earth boom. Its political antithesis, India, also prospers while remaining a chaotic, inefficient democracy, as Indian elected officials are (generally) loathe to use the brutally efficient tactics that are the staple of Chinese governance. Paradoxically, India's greatest asset is its relative stability in the region; its officials take an unruly population for granted, while dissent produces paranoia in Chinese leaders. Zakaria predicts that despite its record of recent blunders at home and abroad, America will stay strong, buoyed by a stellar educational system and the influx of young immigrants, who give the U.S. a more youthful demographic than Europe and much of Asia whose workers support an increasing population of unproductive elderly. A lucid, thought-provoking appraisal of world affairs, this book will engage readers on both sides of the political spectrum. (May) Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Product details

Hardcover: 304 pages

Publisher: W. W. Norton & Company; 1 edition (April 17, 2008)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 039306235X

ISBN-13: 978-0393062359

Product Dimensions:

6.4 x 1.1 x 9.6 inches

Shipping Weight: 2 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

4.3 out of 5 stars

603 customer reviews

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#389,551 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

This is a significant new survey of the comparative decline of the U.S. from its position at the end of the Cold War. It correctly points out that the decline is more due to the rise of other powers than to the decline of the U.S. However, it not only has the shortcomings inherent in a short survey, but has some deeper flaws.First, while it discusses China at great length, it fails to discuss two of the other important players in the new multipolar world--Russia and Germany--in any detail. Both are important industrial powers. Russia is important because it remains militarily powerful but, suspicious of the rest of the world, plays its own game and is all too eager to capitalize on U.S. errors. Germany is important because of its economic power--despite its comparatively small size, it has the third highest GDP in the world, and is beginning to get over its postwar reluctance to take a leadership role.A second weakness in the book is that it does not adequately describe the degree of U.S. decline. While it notes the high quality of U.S. universities, it fails to note the failure of the U.S. educational system at the K-12 level, and the decay of U.S. infrastructure. Unless these problems are addressed, U.S. decline will become more than comparative.

Fareed Zakaria's "The Post-American" World: Release 2.0" is an interesting and informative read. He explains the situation of the United States in view of arising new economic powers - most noteably China and India. And, explains the motivations and strategies of both. It is simple to read and extremely enlightening. I would recommend as a good read for all Americans. No agenda, just the facts.

This is an extremely insightful book resting on probably most clearheaded appreciation of what's going on around the world that should be read by any and everyone interested in world affairs. On the downside, it contains too many intellectually facile overgeneralizations that well informed cosmopolitans who lack specialized knowledge of specific topics tend to make. Since Zakaria is in fact one of such people and these do no harm to the general insights contained in the book, perhaps I should not overly critical. More important, though, is that this intellectual facile-ness extends into the conclusions that Zakaria draws from his insights: they read too much like irresponsible punditry. Of course, one needs not agree with his conclusions to appreciate the insights, of which there is plenty.To cut it short, at the heart of Zakaria's insight is that he understands the anonymous White House staffer who famously boasted "we are makers of history" is in fact right, but only halfway. We--the US--are not alone in making history. The "other guys" are making history, too, for their own purposes. The effect of globalization has been that these other actors have been able to gain substantial means and opportunity to affect the course of history. Zakaria understands, too, however, that this history-making is not a zero sum game: while India, China, and other international actors might be looking to remake history to their ends, their aims do not necessarily involve confronting U.S. or upsetting U.S.-defined world order. Indeed, their goals, for the most part, are perfectly achievable within the context of U.S.-defined world order, provided that they can get their rightfully earned "fair share" from playing by its rules.What Zakaria suggests is that this situation provides the United States with plenty of leverage to exert influence. It can maintain, and where necessary, put forward, an international order that favors its interests on the whole, but also provides opportunities for other actors, as long as they abide by its rules. Zakaria mentions specifically the work of Bismark, who, in 1880s, crafted an international order where Germany stood as an "honest broker" who could exert influence by prescribing rules and solutions that were fair enough that other countries actually wanted to abide by. In principle, I like this vision, but I doubt this has any chance of success. Zakaria's own example of Germany itself provides an example of how such an arrangement can unravel very quickly.An honest broker cannot be too greedy. He must renounce all his prejudices to be accepted and trusted as being "honest." Historically, Germany could not put up with this renunciation for so long. Germany was strong and many of its leaders and population were not content retreating to the back seat when they felt they could do better--at least in short or medium term--by asserting their strength and doing what they wanted, even at the cost of losing the credibility to act as "honest broker." Merely two decades after the Congress of Berlin that inaugurated this new world order, Bismarck himself was ousted from power and Germany began to poke its nose in businesses that were of little substnatial import to them--often for the sake of short term domestic public opinion. It antagonized the British over the Boer War. It built a battleship navy that had little use other than make the British nervous and angry. It antagonized the Russians over the Near East. The list can go on. The lesson is clear: even if the long term advantages of playing an honest broker are substantial, the temptation of using hard power to gain a short term advantage is difficult to resist, especially when that hard power is right there. I doubt a powerful nation--which United States is bound to remain for the foreseeable future--can so easily become and remain an honest broker. Bismarck was a political genius--and even he could manage it for only two decades. Can lesser politicians do it? I am skeptical.

I decided to read this becaise I saw that Barack Obama was reading it and I wanted to see what he has been thinking about. I can see where this will help him if he becomes President, because the author does a good job of explaining and defining the post American world.The author maintains that the 21st century is not so much about the decline of American influence as it is abot the rise of the third world. China, India, and African nations are becoming more technologically advanced and globalized. Moreover, half of all PHD students in the sciences in the USA are foreign students from overseas.Fareed Zakaria also suggests that Americans need to continue emphasizing technological development and educational advancement if they want to stay competitive with the world. We also need to realize that not all Muslims are of the radical kind, and that we need to be more wise and discerning.The author also shows how the nations of the earth have tended to prosper under administrations that have emphasized development, like post Mao Tse Tong China.This is a good primer on the international landscape and people should read it.

Zakaria presents an excellent, balanced view of the future of American unipolarity and the impact of the Big Two - China and India, on America's future. Instead of doomsday predictions and worry about how China and India will take over, he presents a pragmatic view of how these and other countries are rising - not that America is necessarily failing.Zakaria also outlines a realistic roadmap for how America can avoid continuing as an international pariah and retain its influence, by realizing it is the most powerful part of a multipolar system, but the other parts add up to far more than its power. His repeated statements of how we live in fear rather than pride strike a powerful chord and should make all Americans focus on what we've done right rather than what we are told to fear.

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